The 2020 US-brokered deal known as the Abraham Accords, marked an agreement between Israel and the United Arab Emirates (UAE)[1] which included the diplomatic normalisation of relations as well as economic and trade relations between both states (Larsen, 2021). The deal allowed for the mutual opening of embassies, direct flights between the UAE and Israel and other bilateral deals. In a press conference, former Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu described it as “the greatest advancement toward peace between Israel and the Arab world in the last 26 years” (Embassy of Israel, 2020, para 3). Academics, however, have highlighted that the agreement is less about peace and more about formalising existing agreements and the consolidation of support against Iran (Larsen, 2021), which is perceived by both states as a regional threat needed to be contained.
As part of the new agreement, Israel also agreed to suspend its efforts to annex parts of the occupied West Bank. However, no resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict was part of the deal and following the agreement, Netanyahu revealed West Bank annexation was in fact “not off the table” (TOI, 2020; para 1). This has led to some arguments that the UAE ultimately offered normalisation in return for nothing (Zweiri, 2020). Officials have also stressed that such a decision undercuts the 2002 Arab Peace Initiative, a deal which stipulated “normal” ties with Israel would only follow in return for a Palestinian statehood deal and the ending of Israeli occupation (Holmes et al, 2020). Indeed, Palestinians, who were entirely left out of negotiations, have voiced a sense of betrayal, arguing the deal represents “tremendous encouragement for the Israeli government to continue their occupation” (Holmes et al, 2020; para 5).
In May, the Israel-UAE relationship was tested however, during the most recent and particularly deadly escalation of violence in Gaza which Israel entitled “Operation Guardian of the Walls”. The operation has sparked widespread and serious allegations concerning violations of international law, particularly war crimes. However, the accords’ billions of dollars of consequent economic activity have been argued as incentive enough for the new Arab partners to choose rapprochement over real solidarity with Palestinians (Vohra, 2021). Whilst the UAE has been pressured to condemn these actions, it has endeavoured to limit criticism of Israel in a “violence begets violence” narrative (Guzansky and Tzoreff, 2021, para 5; Mathews, 2021). Moreover, business with Israel has continued fairly typically, albeit, tight government media control has limited the publication of recent forms of cooperation to the public (Reuters, 2021).
Tacit relations & Israeli Spyware
Israel and the UAE have had “barely concealed”, covert and unofficial relations with each other for more than a decade (Bowen, 2020, para 8; Guzansky, 2014; Larsen 2021). Before the official normalisation of relations between the two states, Israel had offered clandestine security cooperation with the UAE (Srivastava, 2021). Indeed, the controversial Israeli technology group, NSO, had signed contracts with both the UAE and other gulf states, which Israel encouraged and officially mediated in the sale of (Levinson, 2020; The New Arab, 2020). The firm’s spyware, Pegasus, enables remote military grade surveillance of smartphones, allowing complete access to a device’s messages, emails, contacts, camera, microphone, and calls (Williams, 2021; Amnesty 2021).
With the recent release of over 50,000 phone numbers of individuals allegedly targeted by clients of the company leaked to the media, it has been implicated in numerous deeply concerning activities.
It is thought that the UAE decided on female journalist Roula Khalaf as a possible target of the malware in 2018, during which time she was the deputy editor at the Financial Times (Levinson, 2020). There is also speculation surrounding the targeting of Dubai Princess Latifa, who attempted to flee Dubai in 2018 stating she feared for her life and is since missing (BBC, 2021).
Yet, this affair is not unique to the UAE, at least ten governments are thought to be NSO clients including Azerbaijan, Hungary, Bahrain, Mexico, Rwanda, Saudi Arabia, Morocco, and India (Kirchgaessner et al, 2021). The phones of two women with close ties to vocal journalist and dissident Jamal Kashoggi were targeted just months before his murder and dismemberment in a Saudi consulate in Turkey. Moreover, the phone of Mexican reporter, Cecilio Pineda Birto was also believed to have been targeted before being murdered in 2017, just hours after making a broadcast about alleged corruption (Kirchgaessner et al, 2021).
Yoel Guzanksy, Senior Research Fellow at the Institute for National Security Studies, suggested that access to spyware was not the sole reason for deepening ties with Arab nations like the UAE, but indicated “it helps” (France 24, 2021, para 33). Indeed, Pegasus has been described as “a crucial part of Israel’s diplomatic outreach” (Srivastava, 2021, para 3) and the NSO Group have strong support from both Israeli legal and political officials.
NSO denies wrongdoing and argues its software is only “intended for use against criminals and terrorists” and only “made available to military, law enforcement and intelligence agencies from countries with good human rights records” (BBC, 2021; para 4). However, its use has been widely condemned and Amnesty International has insisted Israel must stop authorising “licenses for the export of NSO Group’s cybersurveillance technology if there is a substantial risk it could be used for human rights violations.” (Amnesty, 2021; para 6). Additionally, both Amnesty and the UN Rapporteur on the Freedom of Expression have also called for a global moratorium on the export, sale, transfer and use of surveillance equipment until it can be better regulated within the context of human rights (Amnesty, 2021; Srivastava, 2021).
However, despite the Israeli appointment of an inter-ministerial committee on Wednesday to investigate claims made against NSO, official Israeli sources have expressed doubt that any curbs will be placed on Pegasus exports (Williams, 2021).
The EAPC Oil Deal
Other recent developments, made possible through the normalisation of relations between the two states, include an oil deal with the Israeli state-owned company, Europe Asia Pipeline Company (EAPC). The deal, announced shortly after the signing of the Abraham Accords, includes a pipeline between the Israeli coastal cities of Eilat and Ashkelon. Yet, whilst it has been highlighted as the most efficient route in transporting oil from the Gulf to the West and providing an alternative route to the Suez Canal (Rabinovitch, 2021), scientists have argued the oil deal threatens, inter alia, the unique and crucial coral reef there.
Coral reefs represent the basis for vast ecosystems, yet environmental specialists have stated that even one percent of a spill from an oil tanker has the potential to damage the Eilat’s coral reefs irreversibly (Rabinovitch, 2021). Such an event is also not outside the realm of possibility by any stretch of the imagination, illustrated by the company’s negative environmental track-record. The 2014 EAPC oil spill, described as one of the worst environmental accidents in Israel’s history (BBC News, 2014), is a prime example of this. The spill, estimated to be around 5 million litres of crude oil, reached the Evrona nature reserve having devastating effects and caused roughly $76 million of damage (Reuters, 2018). Moreover, it has led to a criminal investigation into the EAPC where five former, but also current, managers at the EAPC face potential indictments for environmental offences. Violations of international procedures and safety guidelines and lack of thorough planning have been cited as primary causes of the engineering failure (Ministry of Environmental Protection, 2020).
Furthermore, the Eilat coral reefs are especially unique in their resilience to global warming and rising sea temperatures whilst other reefs are experiencing extinction. They have been referred to by scientists as the “last refuge for corals on Earth” (Yaron, 2021 para 3; Fine at al, 2019) and scientists have highlighted the importance of strengthening the protection of this natural resource and endorsing collaborative research between neighbouring countries (Fine et al, 2019). Economically speaking, reef-associated tourism also constitutes a major source of income for countries bordering the Red Sea (Fine et al, 2019), particularly Israel, Jordan, and Egypt. However, Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030 project also seeks to diversify their economy and reduce the country’s dependence on oil with coastal tourism being viewed as the most promising part of the kingdom diversification plan (Ibid, 2019). Therefore, this oil deal has likely negative repercussions all round.
Conclusion
Ultimately, the normalisation of relations between the UAE and Israel appears to be a formal deal embodying what had been going on informally and behind closed doors for the last few years. As some academics have argued, it appears to represent “ivory tower negotiations” at the top-level which neglect the millions of individuals actually affected (Larsen, 2021; para 12). Whilst it has signified billions of dollars of subsequent economic activity, the normalisation of UAE-Israel relations seems to be more about money, power, and the strategic consolidation of support against Iran, than lasting peace. If anything, some have even highlighted that the resulting increased trade may enflame regional conflicts such as those in Yemen, Libya and Syria, as Israeli and US arms dealers, for instance, can increase their sales to Arab states under the guise of normalising relations (Larsen, 2021).
By Catherine Greenacre
References
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[1] The Abraham Accords was later used to collectively describe normalised relations with both the UAE, Bahrain, Sudan and Morocco.
